Treatment
Several psychosocial interventions can effectively reduce antisocial behavior in disruptive disorders. A recent review of psychosocial treatments for children and adolescents identified 82 studies conducted between 1966 and 1995 involving 5,272 youth (Brestan & Eyberg, 1998). The criterion for inclusion was that the child was in treatment for conduct problem behavior, based on displaying a symptom of conduct disorder or oppositional defiant disorder, rather than on a DSM diagnosis of either, although children did meet DSM criteria for one of these conditions in about one-third of the studies.

By applying criteria established by the American Psychological Association Task Force (see earlier) to the 82 studies, two treatments met criteria for well- established treatment and 10 for probably efficacious treatment. Two well-established treatments, both directed at training parents, succeeded in reducing problem behaviors. The two treatments were a parent training program based on the manual Living With Children (Bernal et al., 1980) and a videotape modeling parent training (Spaccarelli et al., 1992). The first teaches parents to reward desirable behaviors and ignore or punish deviant behaviors, based on principles of operant conditioning. The second provides a series of videotapes covering parent-training lessons, after which a therapist leads a group discussion of the videotape lessons. The identification of 12 treatments as well-established or probably efficacious is very encouraging because of the potential to intervene effectively with youth at high risk of poor outcomes. A new and promising approach for the treatment of conduct disorder is multisystemic therapy, an intensive home- and family-focused treatment that is described under Home-Based Services.

Despite strong enthusiasm for improving care for conduct-disordered youth, there are important groups of children, specifically girls and ethnic minority populations, who were not sufficiently represented in these studies to ensure that the identified treatments work for them. Other issues raised by Brestan and Eyberg (1998) are cost-effectiveness, the sufficiency of a given intervention, effectiveness over time, and the prevention of relapse.

No drugs have been demonstrated to be consistently effective in treating conduct disorder, although four drugs have been tested. Lithium and methylphenidate have been found (one double-blind placebo trial each) to reduce aggressiveness effectively in children with conduct disorder (Campbell et al., 1995; Klein et al., 1997b), but in two subsequent studies with the same design, the positive findings for lithium could not be reproduced (Rifkin et al., 1989; Klein, 1991). In one of the latter studies, methylphenidate was superior to lithium and placebo. A third drug, carbamazepine, was found in a pilot study to be effective, but multiple side effects were also reported (Kafantaris et al., 1992). The fourth drug, clonidine, was explored in an open trial, in which 15 of 17 patients showed a significant decrease in aggressive behavior, but there were also significant side effects that would require monitoring of cardiovascular and blood pressure parameters (Kemph et al., 1993).

Substance Use Disorders in Adolescents

Since the early 1990s there has been a“sharp resurgence” in the misuse of alcohol and other drugs by adolescents (Johnston et al., 1996). A recent review, focusing particularly on substance abuse and dependence, synthesizes research findings of the past decade (Weinberg et al., 1998). The authors review epidemiology, course, etiology, treatment, and prevention and discuss comorbidity with other mental disorders in adolescents. All of these issues are important to public health, but none is more relevant to this report than the co-occurrence of alcohol and other substance use disorders with other mental disorders in adolescents.

According to the National Comorbidity Study, 41 to 65 percent of individuals with a lifetime substance abuse disorder also have a lifetime history of at least one mental disorder, and about 51 percent of those with one or more lifetime mental disorders also have a lifetime history of at least one substance use disorder (Kessler et al., 1996). The rates are highest in the 15- to 24-year-old age group (Kessler et al., 1994). The cross-sectional data on association do not permit any conclusion about causality or clinical prediction (Kessler et al., 1996), but an appealing theory suggests that a subgroup of the population abuses drugs in an effort to self-medicate for the co-occurring mental disorder. Little is actually known about the role of mental disorders in increasing the risk of children and adolescents for misuse of alcohol and other drugs. Stress appears to play a role in both the process of addiction and the development of many of the comorbid conditions.

The review by Weinberg and colleagues (1998) provides more detail on epidemiology and assessment of alcohol and other drug use in adolescents and describes several effective treatment approaches for these problems. A meta-analysis and literature review (Stanton & Shadish, 1997) concluded that family-oriented therapies were superior to other treatment approaches and enhanced the effectiveness of other treatments. Multisystemic family therapy, discussed elsewhere in this chapter, is effective in reducing alcohol and other substance use and other severe behavioral problems among adolescents (Pickrel & Henggeler, 1996).

Eating Disorders

Eating disorders are serious, sometimes life- threatening, conditions that tend to be chronic (Herzog et al., 1999). They usually arise in adolescence and disproportionately affect females. About 3 percent of young women have one of the three main eating disorders: anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, or binge-eating disorder (Becker et al., 1999). Binge-eating disorder is a newly recognized condition featuring episodic uncontrolled consumption, without compensatory activities, such as vomiting or laxative abuse, to avert weight gain (Devlin, 1996). Bulimia, in contrast, is marked by both binge eating and by compensatory activities. Anorexia nervosa is characterized by low body weight (< 85 percent of expected weight), intense fear of weight gain, and an inaccurate perception of body weight or shape (DSM-IV). Its mean age of onset is 17 years (DSM-IV).

The causes of eating disorders are not known with precision but are thought to be a combination of genetic, neurochemical, psychodevelopmental, and sociocultural factors (Becker et al., 1999; Kaye et al., 1999). Comorbid mental disorders are exceedingly common, but interrelationships are poorly understood. Comorbid disorders include affective disorders (especially depression), anxiety disorders, substance abuse, and personality disorders (Herzog et al., 1996). Anorexia nervosa has the most severe consequence, with a mortality rate of 0.56 percent per year (or 5.6 percent per decade) (Sullivan, 1995), a rate higher than that of almost all other mental disorders (Herzog et al., 1996). Mortality is from starvation, suicide, or electrolyte imbalance (DSM-IV). The mortality rate from anorexia nervosa is 12 times higher than that for other young women in the population (Sullivan, 1995).

Treatment of eating disorders entails psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy, either alone or in combination. Treatment of comorbid mental disorders also is important, as is treatment of medical complications. There are some controlled studies of the efficacy of specific treatments for adults with bulimia and binge-eating disorder (Devlin, 1996), but fewer for anorexia nervosa (Kaye et al., 1999). Controlled studies in adolescents are rare for any eating disorder (Steiner and Lock, 1998). Pharmacological studies in young adult women found conflicting evidence of benefit from antidepressants for anorexia and some reduction in the frequency of binge eating and purging with tricyclic antidepressants, monoamine oxidase inhibitors, and SSRIs (see Jimerson et al., 1993; Jacobi et al., 1997). Studies mostly of adult women find cognitive-behavioral therapy and interpersonal therapy to be effective for bulimia and binge-eating disorder (Fairburn et al., 1993; Devlin, 1996; Becker et al., 1999). Clearly, more research is warranted for the treatment of eating disorders, especially because a sizable proportion of those with eating disorders have limited response to treatment (Kaye et al., 1999).

Autism

Autism, the most common of the pervasive developmental disorders (with a prevalence of 10 to 12 children per 10,000 [Bryson & Smith, 1998]), is characterized by severely compromised ability to engage in, and by a lack of interest in, social interactions. It has roots in both structural brain abnormalities and genetic predispositions, according to family studies and studies of brain anatomy. The search for genes that predispose to autism is considered an extremely high research priority for the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH, 1998). Although the reported association between autism and obstetrical hazard may be due to genetic factors (Bailey et al., 1995), there is evidence that several different causes of toxic or infectious damage to the central nervous system during early development also may contribute to autism. Autism has been reported in children with fetal alcohol syndrome (Aronson et al., 1997), in children who were infected with rubella during pregnancy (Chess et al., 1978), and in children whose mothers took a variety of medications that are known to damage the fetus (Williams & Hersh, 1997).

Cognitive deficits in social perception likely result from abnormalities in neural circuitry. Children with autism have been studied with several imaging techniques, but no strongly consistent findings have emerged, although abnormalities in the cerebellum and limbic system (Rapin & Katzman, 1998) and larger brains (Piven, 1997) have been reported. In one small study (Zilbovicius et al., 1995), evidence of delayed maturation of the frontal cortex was found. The evidence for genetic influences include a much greater concordance in identical than in fraternal twins (Cook, 1998).

Treatment
Because autism is a severe, chronic developmental disorder, which results in significant lifelong disability, the goal of treatment is to promote the child’s social and language development and minimize behaviors that interfere with the child’s functioning and learning. Intensive, sustained special education programs and behavior therapy early in life can increase the ability of the child with autism to acquire language and ability to learn. Special education programs in highly structured environments appear to help the child acquire self-care, social, and job skills. Only in the past decade have studies shown positive outcomes for very young children with autism. Given the severity of the impairment, high intensity of service needs, and costs (both human and financial), there has been an ongoing search for effective treatment.

Thirty years of research demonstrated the efficacy of applied behavioral methods in reducing inappropriate behavior and in increasing communication, learning, and appropriate social behavior. A well-designed study of a psychosocial intervention was carried out by Lovaas and colleagues (Lovaas, 1987; McEachin et al., 1993). Nineteen children with autism were treated intensively with behavior therapy for 2 years and compared with two control groups. Followup of the experimental group in first grade, in late childhood, and in adolescence found that nearly half the experimental group but almost none of the children in the matched control group were able to participate in regular schooling. Up to this point, a number of other research groups have provided at least a partial replication of the Lovaas model (see Rogers, 1998).

Several uncontrolled studies of comprehensive center-based programs have been conducted, focusing on language development and other developmental skills. A comprehensive model, Treatment and Education of Autistic and Related Communication Handicapped Children (TEACCH), demonstrated short-term gains for preschoolers with autism who received daily TEACCH home-teaching sessions, compared with a matched control group (Ozonoff & Cathcart, 1998). A review of other comprehensive, center-based programs has been conducted, focusing on elements considered critical to school-based programs, including minimum hours of service and necessary curricular components (Dawson & Osterling, 1997).

The antipsychotic drug, haloperidol, has been shown to be superior to placebo in the treatment of autism (Perry et al., 1989; Locascio et al., 1991), although a significant number of children develop dyskinesias as a side effect (Campbell et al., 1997). Two of the SSRIs, clomipramine (Gordon et al., 1993) and fluoxetine (McDougle et al., 1996), have been tested, with positive results, except in young autistic children, in whom clomipramine was not found to be therapeutic, and who experienced untoward side effects (Sanchez et al., 1996). Of note, preliminary studies of some of the newer antipsychotic drugs suggest that they may have fewer side effects than conventional antipsychotics such as haloperidol, but controlled studies are needed before firm conclusions can be drawn about any possible advantages in safety and efficacy over traditional agents.

Disruptive Disorders

Disruptive disorders, such as oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder, are characterized by antisocial behavior and, as such, seem to be a collection of behaviors rather than a coherent pattern of mental dysfunction. These behaviors are also frequently found in children who suffer from attention-deficit/hyper-activity disorder, another disruptive disorder, which is discussed separately in this chapter. Children who develop the more serious conduct disorders often show signs of these disorders at an earlier age. Although it is common for a very young children to snatch something they want from another child, this kind of behavior may herald a more generally aggressive behavior and be the first sign of an emerging oppositional defiant or conduct disorder if it occurs by the ages of 4 or 5 and later. However, not every oppositional defiant child develops conduct disorder, and the difficult behaviors associated with these conditions often remit.

Oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) is diagnosed when a child displays a persistent or consistent pattern of defiance, disobedience, and hostility toward various authority figures including parents, teachers, and other adults. ODD is characterized by such problem behaviors as persistent fighting and arguing, being touchy or easily annoyed, and deliberately annoying or being spiteful or vindictive to other people. Children with ODD may repeatedly lose their temper, argue with adults, deliberately refuse to comply with requests or rules of adults, blame others for their own mistakes, and be repeatedly angry and resentful. Stubbornness and testing of limits are common. These behaviors cause significant difficulties with family and friends and at school or work (DSM-IV; Weiner, 1997). Oppositional defiant disorder is sometimes a precursor of conduct disorder (DSM-IV).

In different studies, estimates of the prevalence of ODD have ranged from 1 to 6 percent, depending on the population sample and the way the disorder was evaluated, but not depending on diagnostic criteria. Rates are lower when impairment criteria are more strict and when information is obtained from teachers and parents rather than from the children alone (Shaffer et al., 1996a). Before puberty, the condition is more common in boys, but after puberty the rates in both genders are equal.

In preschool boys, high reactivity, difficulty being soothed, and high motor activity may indicate risk for the disorder. Marital discord, disrupted child care with a succession of different caregivers, and inconsistent, unsupervised child-rearing may contribute to the condition.

Children or adolescents with conduct disorder behave aggressively by fighting, bullying, intimidating, physically assaulting, sexually coercing, and/or being cruel to people or animals. Vandalism with deliberate destruction of property, for example, setting fires or smashing windows, is common, as are theft; truancy; and early tobacco, alcohol, and substance use and abuse; and precocious sexual activity. Girls with a conduct disorder are prone to running away from home and may become involved in prostitution. The behavior interferes with performance at school or work, so that individuals with this disorder rarely perform at the level predicted by their IQ or age. Their relationships with peers and adults are often poor. They have higher injury rates and are prone to school expulsion and problems with the law. Sexually transmitted diseases are common. If they have been removed from home, they may have difficulty staying in an adoptive or foster family or group home, and this may further complicate their development. Rates of depression, suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts, and suicide itself are all higher in children diagnosed with a conduct disorder (Shaffer et al., 1996b).

The prevalence of conduct disorder in 9- to 17-year-olds in the community varies from 1 to 4 percent, depending on how the disorder is defined (Shaffer et al., 1996a). Children with an early onset of the disorder, i.e., onset before age 10, are predominantly male. The disorder appears to be more common in cities than in rural areas (DSM-IV). Those with early onset have a worse prognosis and are at higher risk for adult antisocial personality disorder (DSM-IV; Rutter & Giller, 1984; Hendren & Mullen, 1997). Between a quarter and a half of highly antisocial children become antisocial adults.

The etiology of conduct disorder is not fully known. Studies of twins and adopted children suggest that conduct disorder has both biological (including genetic) and psychosocial components (Hendren & Mullen, 1997). Social risk factors for conduct disorder include early maternal rejection, separation from parents with no adequate alternative caregiver available, early institutionalization, family neglect, abuse or violence, parents’ psychiatric illness, parental marital discord, large family size, crowding, and poverty (Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986). These factors are thought to lead to a lack of attachment to the parents or to the family unit and eventually to lack of regard for the rules and rewards of society (Sampson & Laub, 1993). Physical risk factors for conduct disorder include neurological damage caused by birth complications or low birthweight, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, fearlessness and stimulation-seeking behavior, learning impairments, autonomic underarousal, and insensitivity to physical pain and punishment. A child with both social deprivation and any of these neurological conditions is most susceptible to conduct disorder (Raine et al., 1998).

Since many of the risk factors for conduct disorder emerge in the first years of life, intervention must begin very early. Recently, screening instruments have been developed to enable earlier identification of risk factors and signs of conduct disorder in young children (Feil et al., 1995). Studies have shown a correlation between the behavior and attributes of 3-year-olds and the aggressive behavior of these children at ages 11 to 13 (Raine et al., 1998). Measurements of aggressive behaviors have been shown to be stable over time (Sampson & Laub, 1993). Training parents of high-risk children how to deal with the children’s demands may help. Parents may need to be taught to reinforce appropriate behaviors and not harshly punish transgressing ones, and encouraged to find ways to increase the strength of the emotional ties between parent and child. Working with high-risk children on social interaction and providing academic help to reduce rates of school failure can help prevent some of the negative educational consequences of conduct disorder (Johnson & Breckenridge, 1982).

Social Phobia
Children with social phobia (also called social anxiety disorder) have a persistent fear of being embarrassed in social situations, during a performance, or if they have to speak in class or in public, get into conversation with others, or eat, drink, or write in public. Feelings of anxiety in these situations produce physical reactions: palpitations, tremors, sweating, diarrhea, blushing, muscle tension, etc. Sometimes a full-blown panic attack ensues; sometimes the reaction is much more mild. Adolescents and adults are able to recognize that their fear is unreasonable or excessive, although this recognition does not prevent the fear. Children, however, might not recognize that their reaction is excessive, although they may be afraid that others will notice their anxiety and consider them odd or babyish.

Young children do not articulate their fears, but may cry, have tantrums, freeze, cling, appear extremely timid in strange social settings, shrink from contact with others, stay on the side during social events, and try to stay close to familiar adults. They may fall behind in school, avoid school completely, or avoid social activities among children their age. The avoidance of the fearful situations or worry preceding the feared event may last for weeks and interferes with the individual’s daily routine, social life, job, or school. They may find it impossible to speak in social situations or in the presence of unfamiliar people (for review of social phobia, see DSM-IV; Black et al., 1997).

Social phobia is common, the lifetime prevalence ranging from 3 to 13 percent, depending on how great the fear is and on how many different situations induce the anxiety (DSM-IV; Black et al., 1997). In survey studies, the majority of those with the disorder were found to be female (DSM-IV). Often the illness is lifelong, although it may become less severe or completely remit. Life events may reassure the individual or exacerbate the anxiety and disorder.

Treatment of Anxiety
Although anxiety disorders are the most common disorder of youth, there is relatively little research on the efficacy of psychotherapy (Kendall et al., 1997). For childhood phobias, contingency management was the only intervention deemed to be well-established, according to an evaluation by Ollendick and King (1998), which applied the American Psychological Association Task Force criteria (noted earlier). Several psychotherapies are probably efficacious for treating phobias: systematic desensitization ; modeling, based on research by Bandura and colleagues, which capitalizes on an observational learning technique (Bandura, 1971; see also Chapter 2); and several cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) approaches

(Ollendick & King, 1998).
CBT, as pioneered by Kendall and colleagues (Kendall et al., 1992; Kendall, 1994), is deemed by the American Psychological Association Task Force as probably efficacious. It has four major components: recognizing anxious feelings, clarifying cognitions in anxiety-provoking situations, developing a plan for coping, and evaluating the success of coping strategies. A more recent study in Australia added a parent component to CBT, which enhanced reduction in post-treatment anxiety disorder significantly compared with CBT alone (Barrett et al., 1996). However, none of the interventions identified above as well-established or probably efficacious has, for the most part, been tested in real-world settings.

In addition, psychodynamic treatment to address underlying fears and worries can be helpful, and behavior therapy may reduce the child’s fear of separation or of going to school; however, the experimental support for these approaches is limited.

Preliminary research suggests that selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors may provide effective treatment of separation anxiety disorder and other anxiety disorders of childhood and adolescence. Two large-scale randomized controlled trials are currently being undertaken (Greenhill, 1998a, 1998b). Neither tricyclic antidepressants nor benzodiazepines have been shown to be more effective than placebo in children (Klein et al., 1992; Bernstein et al., 1998).

Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder
Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), which is classified in DSM-IV as an anxiety disorder, is characterized by recurrent, time-consuming obsessive or compulsive behaviors that cause distress and/or impairment. The obsessions may be repetitive intrusive images, thoughts, or impulses. Often the compulsive behaviors, such as hand-washing or cleaning rituals, are an attempt to displace the obsessive thoughts (DSM-IV). Estimates of prevalence range from 0.2 to 0.8 percent in children, and up to 2% of adolescents (Flament et al., 1998).

There is a strong familial component to OCD, and there is evidence from twin studies of both genetic susceptibility and environmental influences. If one twin has OCD, the other twin is more likely to have OCD if the children are identical twins rather than fraternal twin pairs. OCD is increased among first-degree relatives of children with OCD, particularly among fathers (Lenane et al., 1990). It does not appear that the child is simply imitating the relative’s behavior, because children who develop OCD tend to have symptoms different from those of relatives with the disease (Leonard et al., 1997). Many adults with either childhood- or adolescent-onset of OCD show evidence of abnormalities in a neural network known as the orbitofrontalstriatal area (Rauch & Savage, 1997; Grachev et al., 1998).

Recent research suggests that some children with OCD develop the condition after experiencing one type of streptococcal infection (Swedo et al., 1995). This condition is referred to by the acronym PANDAS, which stands for Pediatric Autoimmune Neuropsychiatric Disorders Associated with Streptococcal infections. Its hallmark is a sudden and abrupt exacerbation of OCD symptoms after a strep infection. This form of OCD occurs when the immune system generates antibodies to the streptococcal bacteria, and the antibodies cross-react with the basal ganglia of a susceptible child, provoking OCD (Garvey et al., 1998). In other words, the cause of this form of OCD appears to be antibodies directed against the infection mistakenly attacking a region of the brain and setting off an inflammatory reaction.

The selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors appear effective in ameliorating the symptoms of OCD in children, although more clinical trials have been done with adults than with children. Several randomized, controlled trials revealed SSRIs to be effective in treating children and adolescents with OCD (Flament et al., 1985; DeVeaugh-Geiss et al., 1992; Riddle et al., 1992, 1998). The appropriate duration of treatment is still being studied. Side effects are not inconsequential: dry mouth, somnolence, dizziness, fatigue, tremors, and constipation occur at fairly high rates. Cognitive- behavioral treatments also have been used to treat OCD (March et al., 1997), but the evidence is not yet conclusive.

Diagnostic Guidelines

The key differentiating feature is the presence of adequate, lasting friendships with others of roughly the same age. Often, but not always, the peer group will consist of other youngsters involved in delinquent or dissocial activities (in which case the child's socially unacceptable conduct may well be approved by the peer group and regulated by the subculture to which it belongs). However, this is not a necessary requirement for the diagnosis: the child may form part of a nondelinquent peer group with his or her dissocial behaviour taking place outside this context. If the dissocial behaviour involves bullying in particular, there may be disturbed relationships with victims or some other children. Again, this does not invalidate the diagnosis provided that the child has some peer group to which he or she is loyal and which involves lasting friendships.

Relationships with adults in authority tend to be poor but there may be good relationships with others. Emotional disturbances are usually minimal. The conduct disturbance may or may not include the family setting but if it is confined to the home the diagnosis is excluded. Often the disorder is most evident outside the family context and specificity to the school (or other extrafamilial setting) is compatible with the diagnosis.

Includes:

* conduct disorder, group type

* group delinquency

* offences in the context of gang membership

* stealing in company with others

* truancy from school

Diagnostic Criteria

A repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior in which the basic rights of others or major age-appropriate societal norms or rules are violated, as manifested by the presence of three (or more) of the following criteria in the past 12 months, with at least one criterion present in the past 6 months:

Aggression to people and animals

often bullies, threatens, or intimidates others

often initiates physical fights

has used a weapon that can cause serious physical harm to others (e.g., a bat, brick, broken bottle, knife, gun)

has been physically cruel to people

has been physically cruel to animals

has stolen while confronting a victim (e.g., mugging, purse snatching, extortion, armed robbery)

has forced someone into sexual activity

Destruction of property

has deliberately engaged in fire setting with the intention of causing serious damage

has deliberately destroyed others' property (other than by fire setting)

Deceitfulness or theft

has broken into someone else's house, building, or car

often lies to obtain goods or favors or to avoid obligations (i.e., "cons" others)

has stolen items of nontrivial value without confronting a victim (e.g., shoplifting, but without breaking and entering; forgery)

Serious violations of rules

often stays out at night despite parental prohibitions, beginning before age 13 years

has run away from home overnight at least twice while living in parental or parental surrogate home (or once without returning for a lengthy period)

is often truant from school, beginning before age 13 years

The disturbance in behavior causes clinically significant impairment in social, academic, or occupational functioning.

If the individual is age 18 years or older, criteria are not met for Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Specify type based on age at onset:

Childhood-Onset Type: onset of at least one criterion characteristic of Conduct Disorder prior to age 10 years

Adolescent-Onset Type: absence of any criteria characteristic of Conduct Disorder prior to age 10 years

Specify severity:

Mild: few if any conduct problems in excess of those required to make the diagnosis and conduct problems cause only minor harm to others

Moderate: number of conduct problems and effect on others intermediate between "mild" and "severe"

Severe: many conduct problems in excess of those required to make the diagnosis or conduct problems cause considerable harm to others

 Differential Diagnosis

Oppositional Defiant Disorder; Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder; Manic Episode; Adjustment Disorder; Child or Adolescent Antisocial Behavior; Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Mental Disorders in Children and Adolescents

Anxiety Disorders

The combined prevalence of the group of disorders known as anxiety disorders is higher than that of virtually all other mental disorders of childhood and adolescence (Costello et al., 1996). The 1-year prevalence in children ages 9 to 17 is 13 percent (Table 3-1). This section furnishes brief overviews of several anxiety disorders: separation anxiety disorder, generalized anxiety disorder, social phobia, and obsessive-compulsive disorder. Treatments for all but the latter are grouped together below.

Separation Anxiety Disorder
Although separation anxieties are normal among infants and toddlers, they are not appropriate for older children or adolescents and may represent symptoms of separation anxiety disorder. To reach the diagnostic threshold for this disorder, the anxiety or fear must cause distress or affect social, academic, or job functioning and must last at least 1 month (DSM-IV). Children with separation anxiety may cling to their parent and have difficulty falling asleep by themselves at night. When separated, they may fear that their parent will be involved in an accident or taken ill, or in some other way be“lost” to the child forever. Their need to stay close to their parent or home may make it difficult for them to attend school or camp, stay at friends’ houses, or be in a room by themselves. Fear of separation can lead to dizziness, nausea, or palpitations (DSM-IV).

Separation anxiety is often associated with symptoms of depression, such as sadness, withdrawal, apathy, or difficulty in concentrating, and such children often fear that they or a family member might die. Young children experience nightmares or fears at bedtime.

About 4 percent of children and young adolescents suffer from separation anxiety disorder (DSM-IV). Among those who seek treatment, separation anxiety disorder is equally distributed between boys and girls. In survey samples, the disorder is more common in girls (DSM-IV). The disorder may be overdiagnosed in children and teenagers who live in dangerous neighborhoods and have reasonable fears of leaving home.

The remission rate with separation anxiety disorder is high. However, there are periods where the illness is more severe and other times when it remits. Sometimes the condition lasts many years or is a precursor to panic disorder with agoraphobia. Older individuals with separation anxiety disorder may have difficulty moving or getting married and may, in turn, worry about separation from their own children and partner.

The cause of separation anxiety disorder is not known, although some risk factors have been identified. Affected children tend to come from families that are very close-knit. The disorder might develop after a stress such as death or illness in the family or a move. Trauma, especially physical or sexual assault, might bring on the disorder (Goenjian et al., 1995). The disorder sometimes runs in families, but the precise role of genetic and environmental factors has not been established. The etiology of anxiety disorders is more thoroughly discussed in Chapter 4.

Generalized Anxiety Disorder
Children with generalized anxiety disorder (or overanxious disorder of childhood) worry excessively about all manner of upcoming events and occurrences. They worry unduly about their academic performance or sporting activities, about being on time, or even about natural disasters such as earthquakes. The worry persists even when the child is not being judged and has always performed well in the past. Because of their anxiety, children may be overly conforming, perfectionist, or unsure of themselves. They tend to redo tasks if there are any imperfections. They tend to seek approval and need constant reassurance about their performance and their anxieties (DSM-IV). The 1-year prevalence rate for all generalized anxiety disorder sufferers of all ages is approximately 3 percent. The lifetime prevalence rate is about 5 percent (DSM-IV).

About half of all adults seeking treatment for this disorder report that it began in childhood or adolescence, but the proportion of children with this disorder who retain the problem into adulthood is unknown. The remission rate is not thought to be as high as that of separation anxiety disorder.

Other Fact Sheets in this Series Are:

Important Messages About Children's and Adolescents' Mental Health

·         Every child's mental health is important.

·         Many children have mental health problems.

·         These problems are real and painful and can be severe.

·         Mental health problems can be recognized and treated.

·         Caring families and communities working together can help.

Conduct Disorders

Conduct disorders are characterized by a repetitive and persistent pattern of dissocial, aggressive, or defiant conduct. Such behaviour, when at its most extreme for the individual, should amount to major violations of age-appropriate social expectations, and is therefore more severe than ordinary childish mischief or adolescent rebelliousness. Isolated dissocial or criminal acts are not in themselves grounds for the diagnosis, which implies an enduring pattern of behaviour.

Features of conduct disorder can also be symptomatic of other psychiatric conditions, in which case the underlying diagnosis should be coded.

Disorders of conduct may in some cases proceed to dissocial personality disorder (F60.2). Conduct disorder is frequently associated with adverse psychosocial environments, including unsatisfactory family relationships and failure at school, and is more commonly noted in boys. Its distinction from emotional disorder is well validated; its separation from hyperactivity is less clear and there is often overlap.

Diagnostic Guidelines

Judgements concerning the presence of conduct disorder should take into account the child's developmental level. Temper tantrums, for example, are a normal part of a 3-year-old's development and their mere presence would not be grounds for diagnosis. Equally, the violation of other people's civic rights (as by violent crime) is not within the capacity of most 7-year-olds and so is not a necessary diagnostic criterion for that age group.

Examples of the behaviours on which the diagnosis is based include the following: excessive levels of fighting or bullying; cruelty to animals or other people; severe destructiveness to property; firesetting; stealing; repeated lying; truancy from school and running away from home; unusually frequent and severe temper tantrums; defiant provocative behaviour; and persistent severe disobedience. Any one of these categories, if marked, is sufficient for the diagnosis, but isolated dissocial acts are not.

Exclusion criteria include uncommon but serious underlying conditions such as schizophrenia, mania, pervasive developmental disorder, hyperkinetic disorder, and depression.

This diagnosis is not recommended unless the duration of the behaviour described above has been 6 months or longer.

Children and Adolescents with Conduct Disorder

What is conduct disorder?

Children with conduct disorder repeatedly violate the personal or property rights of others and the basic expectations of society. A diagnosis of conduct disorder is likely when symptoms continue for 6 months or longer. Conduct disorder is known as a "disruptive behavior disorder" because of its impact on children and their families, neighbors, and schools.

Another disruptive behavior disorder, called oppositional defiant disorder, may be a precursor of conduct disorder. A child is diagnosed with oppositional defiant disorder when he or she shows signs of being hostile and defiant for at least 6 months. Oppositional defiant disorder may start as early as the preschool years, while conduct disorder generally appears when children are older. Oppositional defiant disorder and conduct disorder are not co-occurring conditions.

What are the signs of conduct disorder?

Symptoms of conduct disorder include:

·         Aggressive behavior that harms or threatens other people or animals;

·         Destructive behavior that damages or destroys property;

·         Lying or theft;

·         Truancy or other serious violations of rules;

·         Early tobacco, alcohol, and substance use and abuse; and

·         Precocious sexual activity.

Children with conduct disorder or oppositional defiant disorder also may experience:

·         Higher rates of depression, suicidal thoughts, suicide attempts, and suicide;

·         Academic difficulties;

·         Poor relationships with peers or adults;

·         Sexually transmitted diseases;

F91 Conduct Disorders

Conduct disorders are characterized by a repetitive and persistent pattern of dissoc, aggressive, or defiant conduct. Such behaviour, when at its most extreme for the individualial, should amount to major violations of age-appropriate social expectations, and is therefore more severe than ordinary childish mischief or adolescent rebelliousness. Isolated dissocial or criminal acts are not in themselves grounds for the diagnosis, which implies an enduring pattern of behaviour.

Features of conduct disorder can also be symptomatic of other psychiatric conditions, in which case the underlying diagnosis should be coded.

Disorders of conduct may in some cases proceed to dissocial personality disorder (F60.2). Conduct disorder is frequently associated with adverse psychosocial environments, including unsatisfactory family relationships and failure at school, and is more commonly noted in boys. Its distinction from emotional disorder is well validated; its separation from hyperactivity is less clear and there is often overlap.

Diagnostic Guidelines

Judgements concerning the presence of conduct disorder should take into account the child's developmental level. Temper tantrums, for example, are a normal part of a 3-year-old's development and their mere presence would not be grounds for diagnosis. Equally, the violation of other people's civic rights (as by violent crime) is not within the capacity of most 7-year-olds and so is not a necessary diagnostic criterion for that age group.

Examples of the behaviours on which the diagnosis is based include the following: excessive levels of fighting or bullying; cruelty to animals or other people; severe destructiveness to property; firesetting; stealing; repeated lying; truancy from school and running away from home; unusually frequent and severe temper tantrums; defiant provocative behaviour; and persistent severe disobedience. Any one of these categories, if marked, is sufficient for the diagnosis, but isolated dissocial acts are not.

Exclusion criteria include uncommon but serious underlying conditions such as schizophrenia, mania, pervasive developmental disorder, hyperkinetic disorder, and depression.

This diagnosis is not recommended unless the duration of the behaviour described above has been 6 months or longer.

Differential diagnosis. Conduct disorder overlaps with other conditions. The coexistence of emotional disorders of childhood (F93.-) should lead to a diagnosis of mixed disorder of conduct and emotions (F92.-). If a case also meets the criteria for hyperkinetic disorder (F90.-), that condition should be diagnosed instead. However, milder or more situation-specific levels of overactivity and inattentiveness are common in children with conduct disorder, as are low self-esteem and minor emotional upsets; neither excludes the diagnosis.

Excludes:
* conduct disorders associated with emotional disorders (F92.-) or hyperkinetic disorders (F90.-)
* mood [affective] disorders (F30-F39)
* pervasive developmental disorders (F84.-)
* schizophrenia (F20.-)

F91.0 Conduct Disorder Confined To The Family Context

This category comprises conduct disorders involving dissocial or aggressive behaviour (and not merely oppositional, defiant, disruptive behaviour) in which the abnormal behaviour is entirely, or almost entirely, confined to the home and/or to interactions with members of the nuclear family or immediate household. The disorder requires that the overall criteria for F91 be met; even severely disturbed parent - child relationships are not of themselves sufficient for diagnosis. There may be stealing from the home, often specifically focused on the money or possessions of one or two particular individuals. This may be accompanied by deliberately destructive behaviour, again often focused on specific family members—such as breaking of toys or ornaments, tearing of clothes, carving on furniture, or destruction of prized possessions. Violence against family members (but not others) and deliberate fire-setting confined to the home are also grounds for the diagnosis.

Diagnostic Guidelines

Diagnosis requires that there be no significant conduct disturbance outside the family setting and that the child's social relationships outside the family be within the normal range.

In most cases these family-specific conduct disorders will have arisen in the context of some form of marked disturbance in the child's relationship with one or more members of the nuclear family. In some cases, for example, the disorder may have arisen in relation to conflict with a newly arrived step-parent. The nosological validity of this category remains uncertain, but it is possible that these highly situation-specific conduct disorders do not carry the generally poor prognosis associated with pervasive conduct disturbances.

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F91.1 Unsocialized Conduct Disorder

This type of conduct disorder is characterized by the combination of persistent dissocial or aggressive behaviour (meeting the overall criteria for F91 and not merely comprising oppositional, defiant, disruptive behaviour), with a significant pervasive abnormality in the individual's relationships with other children.

Diagnostic Guidelines

The lack of effective integration into a peer group constitutes the key distinction from "socialized" conduct disorders and this has precedence over all other differentiations. Disturbed peer relationships are evidenced chiefly by isolation from and/or rejection by or unpopularity with other children, and by a lack of close friends or of lasting empathic, reciprocal relationships with others in the same age group. Relationships with adults tend to be marked by discord, hostility, and resentment. Good relationships with adults can occur (although usually they lack a close, confiding quality) and, if present, do not rule out the diagnosis. Frequently, but not always, there is some associated emotional disturbance (but, if this is of a degree sufficient to meet the criteria of a mixed disorder, the code F92.- should be used).

Offending is characteristically (but not necessarily) solitary. Typical behaviours comprise: bullying, excessive fighting, and (in older children) extortion or violent assault; excessive levels of disobedience, rudeness, uncooperativeness, and resistance to authority; severe temper tantrums and uncontrolled rages; destructiveness to property, fire-setting, and cruelty to animals and other children. Some isolated children, however, become involved in group offending. The nature of the offence is therefore less important in making the diagnosis than the quality of personal relationships.

The disorder is usually pervasive across situations but it may be most evident at school; specificity to situations other than the home is compatible with the diagnosis.

Includes:
* conduct disorder, solitary aggressive type
* unsocialized aggressive disorder

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F91.2 Socialized Conduct Disorder

This category applies to conduct disorders involving persistent dissocial or aggressive behaviour (meeting the overall criteria for F91 and not merely comprising oppositional, defiant, disruptive behaviour) occurring in individuals who are generally well integrated into their peer group.

Diagnostic Guidelines

The key differentiating feature is the presence of adequate, lasting friendships with others of roughly the same age. Often, but not always, the peer group will consist of other youngsters involved in delinquent or dissocial activities (in which case the child's socially unacceptable conduct may well be approved by the peer group and regulated by the subculture to which it belongs). However, this is not a necessary requirement for the diagnosis: the child may form part of a nondelinquent peer group with his or her dissocial behaviour taking place outside this context. If the dissocial behaviour involves bullying in particular, there may be disturbed relationships with victims or some other children. Again, this does not invalidate the diagnosis provided that the child has some peer group to which he or she is loyal and which involves lasting friendships.

Relationships with adults in authority tend to be poor but there may be good relationships with others. Emotional disturbances are usually minimal. The conduct disturbance may or may not include the family setting but if it is confined to the home the diagnosis is excluded. Often the disorder is most evident outside the family context and specificity to the school (or other extrafamilial setting) is compatible with the diagnosis.

Includes:
* conduct disorder, group type
* group delinquency
* offences in the context of gang membership
* stealing in company with others
* truancy from school

  اختلال سلوک

Conduct Disorder American Description

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Diagnostic Criteria

1. A repetitive and persistent pattern of behavior in which the basic rights of others or major age-appropriate societal norms or rules are violated, as manifested by the presence of three (or more) of the following criteria in the past 12 months, with at least one criterion present in the past 6 months:

   Aggression to people and animals

   1. often bullies, threatens, or intimidates others
   2. often initiates physical fights
   3. has used a weapon that can cause serious physical harm to others (e.g., a bat, brick, broken bottle, knife, gun)
   4. has been physically cruel to people
   5. has been physically cruel to animals
   6. has stolen while confronting a victim (e.g., mugging, purse snatching, extortion, armed robbery)
   7. has forced someone into sexual activity

   Destruction of property

   8. has deliberately engaged in fire setting with the intention of causing serious damage
   9. has deliberately destroyed others' property (other than by fire setting)

   Deceitfulness or theft

   10. has broken into someone else's house, building, or car
   11. often lies to obtain goods or favors or to avoid obligations (i.e., "cons" others)
   12. has stolen items of nontrivial value without confronting a victim (e.g., shoplifting, but without breaking and entering; forgery)

   Serious violations of rules

   13. often stays out at night despite parental prohibitions, beginning before age 13 years
   14. has run away from home overnight at least twice while living in parental or parental surrogate home (or once without returning for a lengthy period)
   15. is often truant from school, beginning before age 13 years
2. The disturbance in behavior causes clinically significant impairment in social, academic, or occupational functioning.
3. If the individual is age 18 years or older, criteria are not met for Antisocial Personality Disorder.

Specify type based on age at onset:

• Childhood-Onset Type: onset of at least one criterion characteristic of Conduct Disorder prior to age 10 years
• Adolescent-Onset Type: absence of any criteria characteristic of Conduct Disorder prior to age 10 years

Specify severity:

• Mild: few if any conduct problems in excess of those required to make the diagnosis and conduct problems cause only minor harm to others
• Moderate: number of conduct problems and effect on others intermediate between "mild" and "severe"
• Severe: many conduct problems in excess of those required to make the diagnosis or conduct problems cause considerable harm to others

 

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Differential Diagnosis

Oppositional Defiant Disorder; Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder; Manic Episode; Adjustment Disorder; Child or Adolescent Antisocial Behavior; Antisocial Personality Disorder.

NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION

INTRODUCTION

The body talks. Sometimes, your body will give off signals - as a police officer it is important to be aware, not only of your non-verbal behaviour/communication but that of the people you deal with as well.

A. CONTEXT

• Context is how we define a situation in which interaction occurs.
• The context structures communication and behaviour which are permitted.
• Unwritten rules (and sometimes written ones) prescribe what are considered appropriate transactions in various settings. The actual area or location and circumstances will affect your body language.

Examples

1. How you present yourself in a place of worship - may sit erect, kneel in reverence, speak quietly and listen respectfully.
2. How you communicate with others at the grocery store. You would be friendly, nonchalant and less rigid in your body language.
3. What we say is generally less important than how we say it.

Example

1. When someone is told that they cannot have their planned vacation, they may reply "that's great" - the tone and pitch of voice would indicate disappointment though the words convey delight.

B. ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES

• Temperature, size and shape of room
• Furniture arrangement
• Accessories

Everyday Examples

1. Going into a Victorian decorated home, you may feel reserved and restrained. You likely would not put your feet on the chesterfield or coffee table.
2. A cold small office with no windows may make you feel claustrophobic and uncomfortable, making it difficult to do your work.

Policing Examples

1. Police Interview Room: small, uncluttered, no pictures and no windows.
2. Detachment front counter with protection windows.
3. Under both the above circumstances, communications will be perceived as being less personal and cooler.

C. APPEARANCE AND DRESS

• Clothing suggests the wearer's: Age, Race or ethnic background, Occupation, Sex, Status, Personality

Erroneous assumptions may be made based on a person's appearance and dress.

Everyday Example

1. Someone dressed neatly in a business fashion would be more likely to get a loan than some poorly dressed.

Policing Examples

1. Police Uniform: authority, safety, security, punishment.
2. Judge, Clergy: influence, recognition, authority, services.
3. General Public: people will likely follow a well dressed person who jay walks.

D. TYPES OF NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION

• KINESICS

1. Gestures

Everyday Examples

1. Extremities of our bodies e.g. hitchhiker's outstretched thumb, thumb-index finger circle for "OK", use of middle finger.
2. Directly tied to speech - Mother in the window moving her hand to her mouth, pretending to eat, to indicate to her child outside that he/she has to come in for dinner.

Policing Examples

1. Undercover investigators may give themselves away by looking into the window in a door or across the front of a bar before entering.
2. Possible indicators of guilt by a suspect:

• Sweating (armpits, temples, forehead, palms)
• Observable pulse - neck/heart
• Avoiding eye contact
• Dry mouth - bite/lick lips
• Hand tapper, lint picker
• Folded arms - elbows/arms tight against body
• Legs/feet - folded - tapping - tucked under chair

These may or may not be indicators of guilt, but in combination with other indicators they help the investigator define the situation at hand.

2. Facial Expressions

These are similar across all cultures. Facial expressions readily reflect different feelings: happiness, surprise, fear, sadness, anger, disgust and interest. In fact, within the first minutes of contact, the emotional status of a person can be established by taking a good look at the face.

Everyday Examples

1. A child opening a present. You can observe the joy and delight in his/her eyes and facial expression.
2. Adults receiving news that they owe Revenue Canada a large sum of money. Facial muscles would become tight and rigid indicating anger and disbelief.

Policing Examples

1. Notification of next of kin of a death. Facial expression should show sympathy and genuine concern.
2. A smile and joyful eyes when receiving expression of gratitude from someone.

3. Eye Gaze or Eye Contact

• This is an important means of giving social recognition. In some cultures, people of lower status tend not to look into the eyes of people of higher status or authority. When an individual of lower status does directly look at someone of authority, that directness may indicate hostility or confrontation. Avoiding eye contact may accompany emotions such as anxiety, shame and embarrassment.

Everyday Examples

1. Romeo lovingly gazing into the eyes of Juliet. His eyes will express warmth, passion and affection.
2. A teenager having purchased his first car. His eyes will express pride and satisfaction.

Policing Examples

1. During a suspect interview, an accused may avoid direct eye contact with the police officers in the denial of his/her actions.
2. During a sexual assault interview, the victim's eyes may express shame and embarrassment as she describes the events which took place.

4. Body Posture or Body Movement

• This kinetic factor can communicate attitude, self-image and relationship.

Everyday Examples

1. The body movements of a potential employee in a job-related interview. Palms may be sweaty, maybe biting his nails.
2. A father confronting his child about his wrongdoing. The child will fidget on the edge of the chair as he looks for a way out of the situation.

Policing Examples

1. An experiences police officer can usually identify prostitutes and pimps simply from their posture.
2. Posture, during an interview may indicate that someone is open or closed to communication, the level of their interest in what the interviewer is saying. Furthermore, the level of emotionality and comfort are demonstrated by changes of posture.

• PROXEMICS

Interpersonal distance or "space bubble" that surrounds each person. Interpersonal Distances:

1. Intimate Distance - up to 18 inches
2. Personal Distance - 1 1/2 feet to 4 feet
3. Social Distance - 1 foot to about 12 feet
4. Public Distance - 12 feet or over

Canadians communicate at an arm's distance from each other. Narrowing the gap and actually touching the person being spoken to identifies the communication and establishes power. Restricting and invading another's personal space creates tension for him or her.

Everyday Examples

1. In the observation of an argument, you will notice one of the parties involved moving in close to the other one while trying to make the point.
2. When you meet someone for the first time, you leave them a polite distance and if the person moves within this distance, you become uncomfortable and uneasy (perhaps move away).

Policing Examples

1. Interaction with surroundings and cultural differences (space bubble).
2. Police officer places hand on someone?
3. Police officer putting hands on somebody - confrontation. "The strong hand of the law."
4. Police officer in police car or on the beat - foot patrol.
5. Domestic dispute - separation of parties - decreases tension/stress.

• PARALANGUAGE

Factors

• Tone of voice indicating attitude, authority, empathy
• pitch of voice indicating emotions and tensions and stress;
• volume indicating the importance of certain words or phrases as well as emotions.

Policing Examples

1. Arriving at the scene of a motor vehicle accident, the police officer has to take charge of the situation. The voice will be strong and firm expressing authority.
2. When a police officer is giving evidence in court, the voice will be steady and confident, showing impartiality.

Communication Techniques, Movement & Expression

These programs are tailored to develop verbal and non-verbal communication techniques. They can include personal presentation, body movement and expression, telephone manner, handshaking, posture, understand personality differences and changing behavioural patterns at the emotional level.

Power and Status

The non-verbal communications expressed at a business meeting, presentation or interview depicts our position in an organisation and our status in relation to the other person. The way we enter a room, the first handshake, the chair we choose to sit in all show how we feel about ourselves and contributes to the reaction we gain from others. The position of our office, the size of our desk and even the pen we carry will play a part in our power to influence others. The Power and Status Program is customised to your needs. It will empower you with the confidence and ability to always position yourself appropriately.

Corporate Wardrobe

Delivering Image Mastery - Corporate Wardrobe program is a powerful workshop in which participants are invited to critique their corporate dress and discuss the non-verbal communications expressed through appearance. We consider the emotional reactions of colour and the benefits of co-ordination. It includes an illustrated study on body proportions in relation to clothing shapes and shopping make-overs. The segment on Professional Dress Code includes the selection and care of shoes, accessories statements, appropriate hair styles and professional make-up application. We will also work on a wardrobe plan that will save you time and money. Your Corporate Wardrobe in not a fashion whim, it's an investment in your future.